The Monastic Genealogy of Hoḫwärwa Monastery: A Unique Witness of Betä Ǝsraʾel Historiography

During the course of a study of the manuscript tradition of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (Ethiopian Jews), the manuscript Jerusalem, National Library, Ms. Or. 87 came to light. This codex is a unique manuscript with several important elements that contribute to our knowledge of the history of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. Its by far most important feature are two short additional notes that I have come to call the Hoḫwärwa genealogy. This genealogy is the second piece of original pre-twentieth century Betä Ǝsraʾel historiography ever discovered, next to the text published by Leslau in 1946-47 as ‘A Falasha Religious Dispute.’ Taking the manuscript as a starting point, this article aims to cover topics such as the Betä Ǝsraʾel scribal tradition and aspects of their literature, their monasticism, the history of Hoḫwärwa monastery, and the history of the manuscript itself.


Introduction
For a recent study, approximately seventy Betä Ǝsraʾel manuscripts were examined in order to prepare a first comparative overview of the manuscript tradition of Betä Ǝsraʾel (often referred to as the Jews of Ethiopia). 1 During nated the manuscript to The National Library of Israel, the current location of this impressive codex.
Firstly, in the following, the importance of the discovery of this genealogy is to be underlined and the details it contains elaborated upon. The monastic tradition of the Betä Ǝsraʾel is to be discussed, revealing why Hoḫ w ärwa was such a special monastery, as well as the site of Hoḫ w ärwa itself. In the latter section, the manuscript will be described more thoroughly in its physical terms, and the text of the genealogy will be provided and translated.

Historical Writings of the Betä Ǝsraʾel
It has been commonplace among scholars working on the Betä Ǝsraʾel to describe the group as basically illiterate. Literally everybody who ever studied the Betä Ǝsraʾel has stressed that this religious group has not produced any historiography of its own, but that all their traditions have been transmitted orally. A deeper look into the manuscripts of the Betä Ǝsraʾel, however, reveals several smaller notes and genealogies that prove this judgment to be false. 6 In general, it is argued elsewhere, there is a category of smallsized manuscripts containing the most original writings of this group-their prayers-all of which attest to the literacy of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. 7 These smallsized manuscripts also contain texts of special importance to the group, frequently containing a liturgical use, such as Ardǝʾt ('The Disciples', in its from among the priests after his character and his learning have been examined' (Leslau 1951, xxiv). Then he continues, 'If there is a monk in the village he takes over the office and functions of the High Priest' (ibid.). Henry A. Stern remarked that the Betä Ǝsraʾel had three high priests, one in each of their major provinces, Q w ara, Dämbǝya, and Armač̣ ǝho (Stern 1862, 249). It is not clear at which point in time the Betä Ǝsraʾel community in Tǝgray was established, nor when they had the position of high priest. There are only few studies of the Betä Ǝsraʾel in Tǝgray, such as by Ḥaim Rosen (Rosen 1987), and by Giovanni Ellero (cf. Ellero 1948;Ellero 1995;Taddia 2005;Dore et al. 2005), all of which do not shed light on these two questions. After the aliyah, the Betä Ǝsraʾel mass migration to Israel mostly in the 1980s and 1990s, the present-day situation in Israel is the following: 'the religious leadership of the community is composed mainly of priests and their disciples. One of the priests is recognized as the supreme religious leader of the community, the liqä kahǝnat-High Priest, literally "head of the priests"' (Kribus 2019a, 87). 6 Several shorter genealogies (religious and biological) have been found, a list of guests who contributed to a wedding gift, and short magic prayers, for example a protection against snake-bite, see Dege-Müller 2020, 25. As noted above, Leslau published the Religious Dispute in 1947, which has been proposed as the first or earliest original piece of history written by the Betä Ǝsraʾel. 10 The dispute assumedly occurred between a member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel who had converted to Christianity, and the Betä Ǝsraʾel religious leadership. The controversy was over the unity or trinity of God.
The whole dispute took place in the wake of the activities of the Protestant missionary Johann Martin Flad, who had established a school and missionary station in Ǧända, in Dämbǝya, in 1860. 11 Over a very brief period he had been successful in acquiring his first converts. The latter suffered greatly from the persecution of their former co-religionists. Flad describes many such events in his reports. He also refers to a dispute about the appropriateness of ritual sacrifice, one of the defining features of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. In reaction to being shunned by the Betä Ǝsraʾel community, one of the converts swore by the life of Emperor Tewodros that the Betä Ǝsraʾel must abolish the practice of conducting sacrifices until it was proven to be in accordance with Scripture. As a result, the Betä Ǝsraʾel were prohibited 8 The Ardǝʾt exists in three versions, two Christian versions, a short (CAe 3943) and a long one (CAe 3944), and one Betä Ǝsraʾel version (CAe 3945). In the Christian versions Jesus Christ teaches his disciples, while in the Betä Ǝsraʾel version it is Moses who is talking to his followers. Reference is provided here to the CAe numbers of texts, the Clavis Aethiopica (CAe), which has been developed within the digital research environment Beta maṣāḥǝft, an ongoing repertory of textual units attested in Gǝʿǝz literature. It allows to refer unambiguously to a specific text with its CAe number. All textual units can be filtered on https://betamasaheft.eu/works/list. 9 Gädlä Abrǝham, CAe 5871; Gädlä Yǝsḥaq, CAe 4063; Gädlä Yaʿqob, CAe 4060. 10 Cf. Kaplan 1992, 131. In the twentieth century a few additional historical notes and texts were written by members of the group, such as by Täʾammǝrat Amanuʾel (published by Leslau 1974), or by Asres Yayeh 1995 and others. 11 Ǧända was formerly the site of a sizable Betä Ǝsraʾel settlement; it served, from 1860 to 1940, as the headquarters of the London Society for the Promotion of Christianity among the Jews, which was aimed primarily at converting the Betä Ǝsraʾel to Christianity, with Flad being their head missionary in the region (Kaplan 1987, 29). I visited the place in October 2019. Parts of the original buildings are still visible. Most of it has been turned into a modern school, however.
from observing this practice until the matter was brought before the authorities. 12 A similar account of a religious dispute was reported by the Jewish scholar Joseph Halévy. 13 According to Flad the dispute took place in 1862, according to Halévy in 1864. 14 More confusion is encountered when observing the manuscript containing the dispute, and its additional information. Leslau states that the manuscript is part of the Griaule collection in the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, and '[t]o judge from the final words of the text, the document was written at the time of Menelik the Second [r. '. 15 Stefan Strelcyn, who catalogued that part of the Griaule collection, notes that the dispute is found in MS BnF Éthiopien 597 (Griaule 289). 16 He quotes a notebook of the Mission Dakar-Djibouti (MDD), stating that the manuscript contains '[é]tudes d'un falacha, écrit par Tamayeṭ de Wallaqā pour la MDD. Gondar. 20 nov. 1932'. 17 Strelcyn gives the 'carnets MDD' (the notebooks of the MDD) as the source for the information about the scribe. Marcel Griaule was the leader of the MDD which crossed Africa from west 12 Flad 1863;Flad 1922, 119-121;Kaplan 1987, 36. Swearing by the death of a king, in this case Tewodros (በ ቴዎድሮስ ይሙት, bä Tewodros yǝmut), was a serious act. The Betä Ǝsraʾel monks, on the other hands, instantly excommunicated the converts (Flad 1863, 13;Quirin 1992, 156-157). 13 Flad 1922, 119-121;Halévy 1877, 246-248. Quirin quite convincingly supports the year 1862 (Quirin 1992, 277, n. 244). After all Flad already published a report on this in 1863, and was eyewitness to the events. 14 Leslau himself reports of having heard stories about such controversies during his research among the Betä Ǝsraʾel, 'among others, the Falasha monks of Ač̣ ärge, in the province of Saqalt (Begemdǝr)' spoke to him of a dispute (Leslau 1946(Leslau -1947. 15 Leslau 1946Leslau -1947 In his catalogue of the Griaule collection, Strelcyn gives a description of a manuscript that matches the text edited by Leslau (Strelcyn 1954, 179-180). However, Leslau describes the manuscript thus: 'It has the class-mark: Griaule, Amharique, côte provisoire 329; contains five folios, written on two columns' (Leslau 1946(Leslau -1947). This does not match MS BnF Éthiopien 597, which has sixty folia and is written in one column only. As Strelcyn also identifies this manuscript as the source for Leslau's edition in his catalogue, it appears rational to follow him. The manuscript is accessible online: https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/btv1b10029966z. 17 Strelcyn 1954, 180. Wälläqa is a village just outside of Gondär, on the road leading to the north (Sǝmen Mountains, Aksum). It used to be inhabited by Betä Ǝsraʾel, but, after their mass migration to Israel, local Christians took over the village. It is, however, still taken to be a 'Falasha' or Jewish village, and a spot for tourists to buy 'traditional Falasha pottery' as souvenirs.
to east in 1931-1933. 18 Griaule had special interest in the Betä Ǝsraʾel, and was certainly aware of Halévy's, and perhaps also Flad's descriptions. It can be assumed that he commissioned the text about this religious dispute to be written down for him. The fact that the text is written in a European paper notebook, instead of a traditional parchment manuscript, supports this theory.
If the information, that the text was copied for Griaule in 1932, is to be trusted, as well as taking into account that the text refers to Emperor Mǝnilǝk II, one is left with the assumption that it was not written down ad hoc by the scribe, but that he copied a currently unknown Vorlage. The notebook also contains other interesting texts, which have not been studied so far-in which case it would be interesting to know if a Vorlage exists or not. 19 18 The full name was Mission ethnographique et linguistique Dakar-Djibouti, and indeed their major interests were ethnographic and linguistic studies. Especially in Gondär, where they collected a lot of artistic samples and bought over three hundred manuscripts and magic scrolls, see Bosc-Tiessé and Wion 2005. 19 Strelcyn lists two other texts, 'Notes autobiographiques' and 'Prières falachas', both in Amharic (Strelcyn 1954, 179-180). It seems, however, to be only one additional text, divided into several chapters, covering fols 10r-46v. It is compiled in the form of an autobiography of an important Betä Ǝsraʾel priest, Bǝrhan Barok. Though the genre of the text is an autobiography, the chapters treat the family history of the writer, the weekly prayers of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (from Sunday to the Sabbath), the traditional school curriculum, ceremony of the ordination of a priest, and monastic life of the Betä Ǝsraʾel monks described in relation to the life of the writer. Similarly, he mentioned places such as Amba G w alit (Täklä Haymanot) and Qärn Amba (personal communication with Sisay Sahile, Hamburg, 15 April 2020). Both Amba G w alit and Qärn Amba are known monastic centres of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (see Kribus 2019a, 207-213, 256-272). Qes Bǝrhan Barok, the protagonist of the autobiographical notes, was the son of Abba Barok Adhǝnän (also mentioned in the text), the founder of the most prestigious dynasty of religious leaders of the Betä Ǝsraʾel (to this day it remains the most prestigious religious family of the group). The text (fol. 45r) narrates how Abba Barok Adhǝnän lived as a monk ('virgin') at the monastery of Qärn Amba. He dreamt three visionary dreams, in which God told him to return to a normal life, marry, and have children-which he did. Despite his advanced age, he had many sons and daughters. This story is very popular among the Betä Ǝsraʾel to this day (see references in Kaplan 1990a, 74). One of Abba Barok Adhǝnän's grandsons published a little booklet on his grandfather, which includes the story, with some variations however (see Kribus 2019a, 270-272). It is known that the Barok family moved from Amba G w alit to Wälläqa at some point in time. The Israeli Ya'el Kahana met Bǝrhan Barok there in 1972or 1973(Kahana 1977. The paper notebook collected by Griaule is therefore remarkable for two reasons. First, it is an earlier narration of the account of Abba Barok's time as a monk and visions than all versions documented The dispute is far more elaborate than the Hoḫ w ärwa genealogy, but only surfaced in its entirety due to the exposure of the Betä Ǝsraʾel to (mostly) Protestant missionaries. The text of the dispute, it appears, was produced at the request of Griaule. The Hoḫ w ärwa genealogy, on the contrary, was written as a result of its protagonists' personal motivations. The genealogy dates to Emperor Yoḥannǝs IV's time, who ruled from 1872 to 1889. 20

The Special Place of Monasticism in Betä Ǝsraʾel Society
Several references above have been made to the Betä Ǝsraʾel monks, which might come as a surprise since monasticism is a rare phenomenon in Judaism. In fact the monastic tradition of the Betä Ǝsraʾel is one of the most unique markers of this religious group. In the past, they were often viewed as a Christian Ethiopian substratum, but recent research reveals that the Betä Ǝsraʾel monks played a much more important institutional role for the society than Christian monks. 21 This was due to the absence of a strong political leadership. The political rulers of the Betä Ǝsraʾel were referred to by the name Gedewon, which however functioned as a title. 22 Many sources talk of their fight against the Solomonic monarchy. The conflicts with Emperor Yǝsḥaq (r.1414-1429/1430) were particularly devastating for the Betä Ǝsraʾel rulers, and their political authority vanished. 23 so far related directly by Abba Barok's son. Secondly it indicates that the Barok family had resettled already in the 1930s. Griaule's manuscript is a very important source for the history of the Betä Ǝsraʾel, even beyond the Religious Dispute, and merits an indepth study, which we will hopefully carry out in the future. 20 The genealogy refers only to ባጤ፡ ዮሐንስ፡ መንግሠት፡ ('during Emperor Yoḥannǝs's reign'). Ethiopian history saw four kings by the name of Yoḥannǝs on the throne. The codicological and palaeographical evidence leads one to suspect it was either Yoḥannǝs III, who briefly ruled for a year in 1840, and again in 1844/1845, or Yoḥannǝs IV, who ruled 1872-1889. The latter appears the most likely. 21 Monks are called mänäk w äse (or mänokse) from the Amharic term and Gǝʿǝz word. The word mänañis used for monks living in solitude or as hermits, it is also Amharic, and refers to ascetic or anchorite (see Kribus 2019a for a more detailed analysis of Betä Ǝsraʾel monks  See Abbink 1990, 427;Quirin 1992, 333 (Index). 23 Abbink 1990, 428. It was at this point, apparently, that monks gained in importance: they were the most learned, 24 and consequently acted as the highest religious authority, leading other clerics and consecrating new priests and mäsgid, 25 and were also in charge of leading the community. 26 The monks were so successful in their position that 'Falasha religious life not only survived their political decline in the early fifteenth century, but appears to have even enjoyed a brief "golden age" during which important religious texts were either composed or adapted from Christian literature'. 27 The traditional education of priests and monks was very similar, as were the roles both groups played-one of the main differences between monks and priests was that priests had to be married in order to be ordained, while monks had to be celibate. 28 24 Shelemay 1989, 79, 'monastic training provided a good education and prestige, most Beta Israel priests studied with the monks'. 25 The Betä Ǝsraʾel term for 'synagogue' or 'prayer house'. 26 '[The Betä Ǝsraʾel] clergy, especially the monks and priests were not only the paramount ritual experts, but also chief guardians of the community's historical traditions and beliefs' (Kaplan 1987, 32). 27 Kaplan 1986, 350. 28 Considerable arguments state that Betä Ǝsraʾel monks were eunuchs. Several descriptions of the initiation rite of becoming a monk involve castration. The most detailed is from Flad's German book (Flad 1869a, 33-34, my translation in the following): 'soon there were heavy outbreaks of physical desire, upon which Aba Zebra [Abba Ṣabra] ordered that all those who wanted to join the community had to become eunuchs-in order to avoid such atrocities in the future'. He describes the education of the novices, and states, 'Before they are accepted into the order (that is castrated), they are free to return to their families'. He continues to describe the initiation ritual, a huge celebration day, 'when the deed is done', with many monks coming from the villages nearby. They pray and drink beer together, they mix the powder of some intoxicating root into the beer of the novice to drug him. As soon as he is unconscious, they perform the castration, which allegedly costs many lives. In the English version of Flad's book the translator gives only very slight hints about this ritual (Flad 1869b, 30): 'unholy rites which will not bear description, and which cost many their lives'. D'Abbadie had reported something similar, but less drastic. Maybe he missed out on the actual emasculation part, as he only mentions that the novices consumed some kind of root, which caused infertility, and which made their beards disappear (d'Abbadie 1845). The Betä Ǝsraʾel priest Asres Yayeh wrote another version on this ritual: 'It is rumoured that something is placed on the male organ of the candidate for monkhood. Then the candidate is initiated into the monkhood. After the initiation the monk's face gets transformed. His beard falls off. He becomes a full-fledged ascetic' (Asres Yayeh 1995, 59). Halévy narrates how the ex-missionary Jean Stella told him in Eritrea 'that they [the Betä Ǝsraʾel] mutilated those of their children who were intended to be brought up for a monastic life. I [Halévy] may here state that The high-ranking position of the monks drastically changed in the late nineteenth century, with the arrival of not only European Christian missionaries, but also of European Jewish emissaries, which led to 'the increasing incorporation (to varying degrees) of elements of the Rabbinical tradition into Betä Ǝsraʾel religious life'. 29 The monks were the strongest opponents to these foreign influences, vigorously defending the traditional beliefs, but in the end succumbed to the pressure. 30 Also the kǝfu qän, a devastating famine of 1888-1892 caused by rinderpest, the subsequent collapse of agricultural production, plague, locusts, and abnormally hot weather, 31 had a negative effect on Betä Ǝsraʾel monasticism. 32 Monasticism had almost disappeared by the mid-twentieth century, and only one monk immigrated to Israel, Abba Bäyyänä Dämmoze (d.1999). The latter had one novice who was initiated as a monk, Abba Abroye Mǝnase, and who is currently the only monk of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. 33 subsequent inquiries proved this statement to be groundless, and that it came from Amharic [meaning "Christian"] sources' (Halévy 1877, 202). The topic of castration of priests exists since antiquity and early times of Christianity and would be too much for this article, see Kuefler 2001;Collins 2013. The visionary dreams of Abba Barok Adhǝnän, mentioned earlier, in which God commanded him to return to secular life, after having 'lived like a monk [virgin]', and who, after following the commands, fathered several children, should be understood as a miracle. A miracle worked by God to restore Abba Barok Adhǝnän's manhood after castration. A similar miracle is found in a Miracle of Epiphanius of Salamis, which is contained in the introduction of the text Ṭǝntä haymanot ('The beginning of faith'; a study of this text is in preparation). Epiphanius restores the penis of an emasculated man, ወሶቤሃ፡ ውኅዘ፡ እስኪት፡ እምውስተ፡ ሥጋሁ፡ ለምቱር፡ ምስለ፡ ቈላሕው።, 'And in that moment the genitalia came out of the flesh of that who had been cut, along with the testicles', as in MS Addis Ababa, Capuchin Franciscan Institute of Philosophy and Theology, 013, fol. 4rb, digitized by the Ethiopic Manuscript Imaging Project (EMIP) as no. 667. I want to express my thanks to Steve Delamarter for providing me with a copy of this manuscript. 29 Kribus 2019a, 87. 30 While the monks proved the strongest group among the Betä Ǝsraʾel to challenge the Protestant missionaries, in the end it was the lack of 'centralized communal institutions capable of making decisions for the group as a whole, [or] efficient mechanisms for enforcing decisions made at anything other than village level' (Kaplan 1987, 37). 31 'Kǝfu qän', EAe, III (2007), 376b-377b (R. Pankhurst). 32 Kaplan identifies the monks as one of the most severely affected parts of Betä Ǝsraʾel society during this famine (Kaplan 1990a, 74). It was also a time of ongoing attacks of dervish troops from Sudan, an overwhelming threat for all of Ethiopia, but especially for the Betä Ǝsraʾel. 33 Kribus 2019a, 87.

Abba Ṣabra-Founder of Hoḫ w ärwa
The monastery of Hoḫ w ärwa stands out among all Betä Ǝsraʾel monasteries. Its importance is connected to the traditions of the very foundation of Betä Ǝsraʾel monasticism by Abba Ṣabra in the fifteenth century. The legends regarding Abba Ṣabra are numerous and diverse, but they are all transmitted orally, with no written sources having been handed down to the present. 34 D'Abbadie mentions a Gädlä Abba Ṣabra ('Life of Abba Ṣabra'), but he himself never saw it, and it has not been discovered since. 35 Most narrations agree that Abba Ṣabra was a contemporary of Emperor Zärʾa Yaʿqob (r.1434-1468). After which the stories fall into two categories. Some maintain that he was a Christian native of Šäwa, in present-day central Ethiopia, who after having committed a murder went into exile, where he made contact with the Betä Ǝsraʾel and, at some point, converted and embraced Judaism. Others say that he was a member of the Betä Ǝsraʾel from the Sǝmen Mountains. 36 The legend continues that he was the father-confessor to none other than Emperor Zärʾa Yaʿqob and that he and one of the emperor's sons, Ṣägga Amlak, drew the wrath of the emperor, a religious zealot. When Zärʾa Yaʿqob threatened to execute them, they fled into the wilderness. After several stops on their flight, they finally arrived at Hoḫ w ärwa. The legend talks of a miracle occurring in which Abba Ṣabra and Ṣägga Amlak became invisible upon the arrival of the emperor's soldiers.
Abba Ṣabra spent the rest of his life at Hoḫ w ärwa. He is accredited with having laid down the strict purity laws of the Betä Ǝsraʾel, 37 composing 34 For an overview on the various traditions relating to Abba Ṣabra, see Ben-Dor 1985, 41-45;Kribus 2019a, 117-130. 35 See for example Conti Rossini 1919Rossini -1920 Dege-Müller and Kribus forthcoming. 37 The rules are commonly known as attǝnkuñ(literally 'do not touch me'), and are said to have been established by Abba Ṣabra. The rules mainly concern avoiding physical contact between Jews and members of other groups, and avoidance of food prepared by non-Jews, see for example Stern 1862, 178, or Leslau 1951 If the monks did violate any of these rules they would have to undergo a week-long purification process that involved extensive prayers, regular baths, and eating only uncooked chickpeas. The diet of the monks was very limited in general; Flad remarks, 'The Falasha monks lay heavy burdens upon themselves in endeavouring to work out a righteousness of their own. They undergo severe fasting and mortifications; many of them retire into the deserts, where they subsist on herbs and roots, and sometimes die of hunger. Many such cases came under my notice during my missionary work in Dshenda [Ǧända]' (Flad some of their prayer texts, 38 teaching the Orit to the people, and, finally, introducing monasticism to the community. Although no written version of Abba Ṣabra's life has been handed down, and though the oral traditions vary to some extent, the story does contain topoi found in many other (Christian) hagiographies, such as his troublesome past (potential murderer?), the conversion of other people (Ṣägga Amlak), the persecution by the authorities, the miracles granted by God, and, especially, becoming invisible. Abba Ṣabra and Ṣägga Amlak are very present in the oral tradition of the community, and frequently featured in the commemorative notes of their manuscripts. 39 In his analysis of the legend Jon Abbink calls it a 'nice inversion', that Abba Ṣabra's first disciple was Ṣägga Amlak, 'son of the fanatical and Orthodox Christian king. Thus they [the Betä Ǝsraʾel] were expressing the spiritual superiority of their own tradition which could even attract such close kinsman of the enemy king'. 40 This might also add to the veneration enjoyed by Hoḫ w ärwa: it is a site of victory over the Christian Solomonic kingdom.

The Site of Hoḫ w ärwa
Hoḫ w ärwa, as a location, enjoys a certain mystical fame, being known as the first monastery of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. Many travellers and scholars have tried to reach it-and only few have succeeded. Expeditions set on reaching Hoḫ w ärwa are uniformly described as challenging and dangerous. There are several reports of travellers planning to visit it, who were prevented to do so due to security constraints. 41 Some descriptions of successful visits are ra- 1869b, 30). D'Abbadie reported that the monks were wearing an 'iron hair shirt' ('ont un cilice de fer', d'Abbadie 1845). 38 For example the prayer Bäqädami gäbrä ǝgziʾabǝḥer, see Hayon 2003, 9. 39 Dege-Müller 2020, 11, 30. Kaplan lists further similar narratives of the Christian monks Gäbrä Masiḥ and Gäbrä Iyäsus, who also struggled with the normative church, and who are said to have assisted the Jews in various ways (Kaplan 1992, 71). 40 Abbink 1990, 434. 41 D'Abbadie attempted to visit Hoḫ w ärwa, 'je résolus d'aller à Hoharua […] mais mon projet s'étant ébruité, un de mes amis vint me prévenir que des voleurs de grand chemin m'attendaient au passage' (d 'Abbadie 1851, 181). Jacques Faïtlovitch describes how his Betä Ǝsraʾel friends tried to discourage him from this trip, warning him of the dangers of the area, imminent malaria, and the almost impassable mountains (Faïtlovitch 1910, 84).
Halévy travelled twice to this region during 1867-1868, but the first time the insecure situation in the region prevented him from proceeding further (Halévy 1869, 282). On his second trip he managed to reach Ayeq w a (spelt 'Ayequa' by him, our local inform-ther obscure, and some points on maps leave the impression that the mapmaker did not visit the site in person. 42 The text of the Hoḫ w ärwa genealogy (see below), however, offers a first original indication about its location, as it states that Hoḫ w ärwa is in Ǧanfänkära. 43 The district of Ǧanfänkära in Armač̣ ǝho was in pre-twentieth-century times known for its wild game (elephants, giraffes, buffalo, lions). 44 Traversed only by secondary trade routes it was far less visited and described more rarely than adjacent regions. 45 Nonetheless, the information from the genealogy, in combination ants told us 'Ayek w a'), 'surrounding Mount Hoharoa', but he 'was unable to proceed alone to visit the hermits' (Halévy 1877, 228-229). 42 For example Quirin 1992, 42. 43 Fol. 163rc, spelled 'Ǧani fäkära'. This spelling with an internal -i-is also found in Lejean 1867, 364 (where he suggests the spelling 'Djani-Voggara', which is Ǧani Wägära), in d'Abbadie 1845, and in Täʾammǝrat Amanuʾel's notes (Leslau 1974, 626). Halévy, who travelled through Ǧanfänkära coming from the north, also stated that Hoḫ w ärwa was located in this district (Halévy 1869, 282). 44 Extensive description in Rüppell 1840, 141-171. 45 One of the first tangible sources to these regions is James Bruce, who  with travel routes and old maps, allows for a relatively precise identification of the location of Hoḫ w ärwa. Before the discovery of the genealogy under study, the place name Hoḫ w ärwa had not been found written in fidäl. Thus, very different forms of it can be found in the literature: 'Koharwa', 46 'Kokora', 47 'Hoharewa', 48 'Hoharoa', 49 'Hoharua', 50 'Huharuà', 51 'Hohwara', 52 'Huharwa', 53 and 'Ḥaḥarwa'. 54 As becomes clear, there is no consensus on the correct spelling of Hoḫ w ärwa. Indeed, even our genealogy renders the name in two different spellings: Ḥok w arwa (ሖኳርዋ) and Hoḫ w ärwa (ሆኈርዋ). Thus far, no suggestions regarding its etymology have been made. 55 The descriptions of the place vary considerably. Flad writes that 'Hoharewa' is the cave in which Abba Ṣabra lived, in the province of 'Armatschoho' (Ar-mač̣ ǝho). He also claims that 200 monks lived in the village around it. 56 In the same year, Halévy writes that the province of 'Djanfankara' (Ǧanfänkära) is well populated with Betä Ǝsraʾel, who live in eight villages around the mountain 'Hoharoa'. Some fifteen Betä Ǝsraʾel hermits, known for their wisdom and held in great respect also by the Christians, are said to live on the mountain's summit. 57 After such a long time, the size of the monastic community at Hoḫ w ärwa is difficult to establish. Presumably, the number fluctuated over the centuries. The reports fall into two groups, those indicating 200-250 monks (Flad and Quirin), and those of only 15-20 monks (Halévy and d'Abbadie). 58 The latter seem to have more credibility, firstly because Halévy most possibly visited the site himself (or came very close), and, secondly, d'Abbadie's in-46 D'Abbadie 1845. 47 D'Abbadie 1867; 1873. 48 Flad 1869b, 32. 49 Halévy 18691877, 229-230. 50 Faïtlovitch 1910, 84. 51 Conti Rossini 1919-1920. Carlo Conti Rossini here states that d'Abbadie spelled the place 'Hoḫuārwā'. 52 Quirin 1992, 66. 53 Leslau 1974, 626. 54 Gobäze Baroḵ 2007, 6. 55 I decided in favour of Hoḫ w ärwa, since all but d'Abbadie's account and the oral tradition use a word with two h-sounds. 56 Flad 1869a, 33. Quirin gathered oral tradition from two priests who stated that 250 monks lived in the area (Quirin 1992, 118), but the information seems to refer to the period of the Gondärine kingdom (1630s-1769). 57 Halévy 1869, 282. 58 Flad 1869a, 33;Quirin 1992, 118;Halévy 1869, 282;d'Abbadie 1851, 260-262. formant, Abba Yǝsḥaq, was the leader of the community and, therefore, in a good position to provide d'Abbadie with correct information.
It has not been established for certain that Flad visited the site himself, or how close Halévy managed to get. The last village that Halévy describes, Ayeq w a, is at the foot of the mountain. Flad does not provide any further descriptions that could help locate the site. The only trustworthy description, containing exact travel points, has been provided by Faïtlovitch. He outlines his travel all the way from the region of Dämbǝya to the 'deserts' of Armač̣ ǝho and Ǧanfänkära on foot. At one point he writes that they 'tried to reach the village of Meriena [Märina]-at the foot of the Hoharua mountains-where a few Falasha families live'. 59 In Märina, Faïtlovitch got into a fight with the Christian villagers, but was eventually able to continue his trek.
On Sunday, 20 September, we left Meriena and reached, after an ascent of 3/4 hour, Hoharua situated on a high plateau by the same name, where the old mesgid [mäsgid] of the Falashas is found. The Hoharua mountains, whose high reaching peaks offer the view over the entire provinces of Abyssinia, all the way to Sudan, are a landscape of high attraction, here is the site of the most holy and most cherished memories of the Falasha, and legends connected to its peaks and steep declines abound. Indeed, we still find traces of their former prayer houses, and other attestations of the past of the Jews of Abyssinia.
[…] The temple itself, today the most beautiful prayer house of the Falasha, is completely different from the others, an impressive massive structure, in characteristic temple-shape, whose tin roof can be seen from afar. It stands in a little dip of the mountains, in a place called Loso [?], and is surrounded by the houses of the priests. 60 On the next day, Monday 21 September, we visited, accompanied by the high priests, all sites related to the memories and past of the Falasha. 61 He ends his description noting that descending again 'from that mountain […] turning southwards we passed the nearby Falasha village Aiqua [Ayeq w a]'. 62 Faïtlovitch's description gives the impression of a cluster of related sites, that together forms the larger holy site of Hoḫ w ärwa. It is 59 Faïtlovitch 1910, 86, my translation. 60 Ibid., 88-89, my translation. 61 Ibid., 91, my translation. 62 Ibid.,[91][92]my translation. striking that most scholars and travellers talk of it as a mountain, and even include it on their maps as stylized mountains. Samuel Baker dubs it 'Mt. Horrea', and d'Abbadie names it 'Mt. Kokora'. 63 In his Géodésie d'Éthiopie of 1873, d'Abbadie published additional data to his map: he describes 'Kokora' as an 'isolated and flat hill where the great assemblies of Wa̱ ga̱ ra [Wägära] were held'. 64 Aside from his written description, Faïtlovitch also marked his travel route onto a detailed map, with the district of Ǧanfänkära, and points for Hoḫ w ärwa and Ayeq w a. A few other maps feature places that, when all combined, produce a quite clear location of Hoḫ w ärwa. The German naturalist and adventurer Eduard Rüppell spent almost three weeks in Ǧanfänkära, hunting and gathering specimens in 1833-1834. Afterwards, he published a map (1838) as well as an extensive report of his trip (1840). He wrote a stark description of the view from the village of 'Kulla' (Q w älla) 65 over Ǧanfänkära.
In the foreground one isolated volcanic mountain of striking form stands out. It lies south-east of the village Workemider [Wärqämǝdǝr] and is called by its inhabitants Ankodib [Anq w adib]. The four isolated spikes that form its peak are visible from most parts of Kulla, and are the focal point of orientation for the entire region. 66 Further on he mentions the place 'Karoa' (Kǝrwa), 'which is 3/4 hour east from Ankodib'. 67 An impressive mountain like this Ankodib perfectly matches Faïtlovitch's description of 'the Hoharua mountains, whose high reaching peaks offer the view over the entire provinces of Abyssinia, all the way to Sudan', 68 however, it does not mark Hoḫ w ärwa proper. In combination with two other maps, a more precise picture is attained. The map Carta dimostrativa della Etiopia (Gondar), produced by Enrico de Chaurand, traces Rüppell's travel route and,in addition,'Mt. Horrea'. 69 The 1:250,000 Lake Tana E. A.F. No. 541 map published in 1941 contains 'Acqua' (Ayeq w a) and 'Amba Ancudib' (Anq w adib Mountain). 70 The fact that Hoḫ w ärwa was known as a place of special interest, even to those who had no specific interest in the Betä Ǝsraʾel, becomes clear from the numerous references on the maps. Thanks to the combination of information provided from the Hoḫ w ärwa genealogy, the travel accounts, and maps, its location can be pinpointed with reasonable precision.
The genealogies indicate a connection to the monastery of Hoḫ w ärwa and an unnamed monastery in Wälqayt. Although there are some indications about monastic networks, 71 in the case of Hoḫ w ärwa, this is unfortunately the only reference. Regarding monasteries in Wälqayt, we have no precise information at all. There are several mentions of Betä Ǝsraʾel monks informants had not heard of Hoḫ w ärwa, but only Kǝrwa, which we first took as a corruption of the word, until we realized that it refers to another mountain nearby (which we also surveyed), which we identified as 'Karoa' from Rüppell's account and map. We were directed to another informant, the most knowledgeable Qes Ǝšäte Täkäle, age 70. He claimed to have some Betä Ǝsraʾel ancestry himself. In the brief interview he related all the relevant information about Hoḫ w ärwa and Abba Ṣabra. He told us that the synagogue of Hoḫ w ärwa is to be found near the town of Sali, which we saw in the distance, while the cave is a bit further from it; he also indicated to the valley nearby. The cave is protected by thickets and a large serpent; there are also still several hermits, who are however 'invisible' and can only be seen on special days. Not only did his descriptions contain several technical terms that relate directly to the Betä Ǝsraʾel, but his narration of the invisible hermits also closely resembles that of the Abba Ṣabra legend. For a few photographs of the area see https://www.jewseast.org/single-post/2019/09/19/A-Monastic-Genealogy-for-Hoharwa-Monastery-%E2%80%93-A-Unique-Piece-of-Bet%C3%A4-% C6%8Esra%CA%BEel-Historiography, accessed on 11 November 2020. 68 Faïtlovitch 1910, 88, my translation. 69 De Chaurand 1894, Hoḫ w ärwa is marked at an elevation of 1800 m above sea level. I have to express my thanks to Éloi Ficquet, who kindly shared this map with me, which in the future will be available at the Ethiomap website: https://ethiomap.huma-num.fr/. 70 E. A. Survey Group 1941. 71 Some are listed in Dege-Müller 2020, 10, n. 19. in Wälqayt, but no exact location of monasteries given. 72 This may be due to the fact that the area of Wälqayt suffered severely from the kǝfu qän. 73 There may also not have been many stable monasteries, but rather areas of hermits, or single monks living in normal villages. Like Armač̣ ǝho, Wälqayt is, still today, a hinterland, only traversed by secondary trade routes. 74 Aside from Halévy, the Italian colonial officer Ellero is the only one to have given extensive reports on the villages of Wälqayt: it is due to him there is knowledge of the above mentioned link between Mägina in Armač̣ ǝho and Addi Agäw in Wälqayt. 75

The Protagonists of the Genealogies
The two genealogies contained in the manuscript provide us with a number of personal names, some of which can be identified. The scribe of the first genealogy, Abba Wärqe, is the most important among them. The evidence shows that Abba Wärqe was a learned and highly esteemed man, who was also wealthy enough to buy such a valuable codex. The first additional text in the manuscript, the Nägärä Muse, was written by Wärqe himself which palaeographical evidence makes distinct. Throughout the manuscript are brief annotations in the margins for internal chapter headings and reading advice, most probably written by Abba Wärqe, or at least in part. There is one additional note in the manuscript, of which Wärqe is also the author-a short book curse written in a secret script. 76 This is a rare scribal feature but attests to the high learning of the scribe. 72 Abba Yǝsḥaq lists the names of monks in Wälqayt, but also remains unclear about the exact places they lived in (Waldman 2018, 290). 73 Kaplan 1990a, 74-75. 74 See also Taddia 2005. 75 Halévy 1869, 279-282. Ellero 1948, 111-112, also republished in Ellero 1995 in Dore et al. 2005, 111. 76 This scribal feature was already presented in Dege-Müller 2020, 33-35, but needs to be update, since I now fully deciphered the note. MS JER NLI Or. 87, fol. 163rc-va: ዛቲ፡ ኦ ሪት፡ ዘአባ፡ ወርቄ፡ ዘተሠየጣ፡ በ፴ሸማ፡ ዘሠረቃ፡ ወዘፈሐቃ፡ በሙሴ፡ ወአሮን፡ ቃል፡ ውጉ ዝ፡, 'This is the Orit of Abba Wärqe, who bought it for 30 šämma (pieces of cloth), whoever steals it, and erases it, shall be anathematized by the words of Moses and Aaron.' Cf. Pankhurst 1962 on the usage of šämma cotton cloths as 'primitive money'. Augustine Dickinson was able to transpose the recto and verso side of this note, which allowed reading a part that could previously not be deciphered (በ፴ሸማ). It also showed variant spellings or spelling mistakes, such as ዘተሠየጣ where one would otherwise expect ዘተሣየጣ, or ሻማ instead of ሸማ, and ቂል instead of ቃል. I thank Susanne Hummel, Augustine Dickinson, and Jonas Karlsson for fruitful conversations that were instrumental Taking all this into account, one may speculate Abba Wärqe to have been the head of Hoḫ w ärwa monastery at some point in his life, in the nineteenth century. 77 The list of his spiritual family extends through his disciples Abba Iyob and Abba Iyasu. When the famous high priest Abba Yǝsḥaq Iyasu dictated his memoires in 1991, he narrated almost exactly the same genealogy of his spiritual ancestors-Abba Iyasu, the last name added to the commemorative notes of the manuscript, was his biological father. 78 All through the manuscript, in its main text, the Orit, the names of 'Abba Wärqe and his [spiritual] sons Abba Iyob and Abba Iyasu' have been inserted in the commemorative notes in modern pen. 79 Aside from a few names of Betä Ǝsraʾel in the commemorative notes of some manuscripts, which reveal their personal names only and rarely anything else, these monastic genealogies are an absolute novum. 80 Abba Wärqe not only lists his spiritual genealogy but also that of his biological family, including the line of his father, his mother's line, and a list of his brothers.
Abba Iyob structured his genealogy in the same way, starting with his biological father's family, and going on to list his brothers and sisters. He continues by narrating the monastic genealogy of his teacher, repeating Wärqe's list, and ends with the line of his mother. The last part of his text narrates how he celebrated the täzkar, the traditional mourning ceremonies, 81 three times for his spiritual father, Abba Wärqe, in two different monasteries. 82 This is where the word Hoḫ w ärwa first appears, also naming two other heads of the monastery. Abba Iyob describes how he sacrificed three cows in Wärqe's honour and donated a traditional luxurious garment in reaching these conclusions here. The overall scribal features of the secret script will be studied in an upcoming publication. 77 There is another head of Hoḫ w ärwa known by the name, Abba Yǝsḥaq, the major informant of d'Abbadie. The second genealogy discussed here lists two more 'heads' (the word šum is used), Abba Gošu and Abba Kidanu. 78 Waldman 2018, 279-280. 79 While it is difficult to prove, it is assumed that these short notes were written by Abba Iyasu, or perhaps his son Abba Yǝsḥaq. Abba Yǝsḥaq is mentioned at the end of the first additional text on fol. 3r. 80 A few other elaborate genealogies have been discovered, for instance a genealogy of Däbtära Barok (Dege-Müller 2020, 25, n. 89). There are modern publications which give Betä Ǝsraʾel genealogies, such as Asres Yayeh 1995, 137-167, or Abba Yǝsḥaq in Waldman 2018 The täzkar of the Betä Ǝsraʾel has been described several times, e.g. Flad 1869a, 68-69;Leslau 1957, 97. 82 Next to Hoḫ w ärwa the text refers to a monastery in Wälqayt, without specifying the name.
(a gǝmǧa) 83 worth 3.5 bǝrr (Maria Theresa thalers) to the monastery, showing his deep respect and veneration for his spiritual father, and that this occurred during the reign of Emperor Yoḥannǝs IV. Aside from the names of the family members of Abba Iyob, nothing else is known about him, save that he was the teacher of Abba Iyasu, the third person mentioned in the manuscript that can be identified. According to the information provided by Abba Yǝsḥaq, the name of Iyasu's father was Gonšel. The manuscript was handed down from Abba Wärqe to his disciples. Its last owner, Abba Yǝsḥaq, born in the year 1900, received it as a gift from his father Abba Iyasu at his consecration into priesthood at the age of 27. 84

The Physical Features of the Manuscript
The codex JER NLI Or. 87 is a very impressive manuscript of considerable size. Measuring 34 cm in height and 31 cm in width, it contains 163 folia, and weighs over 10 kg. The codex is bound in a reddish-brown leather cover, embossed with ornaments. So far, it is a perfect representative of the Christian Ethiopian manuscript tradition following all the rules to be anticipated in this instance. 85 However, the cross that is usually at the centre of the decorated covers has been scratched off on both covers of this codex, a clear indication that it was repurposed to suit a Jewish owner. 86 The handwriting, 83 Cf. Kane 1990Kane , 1918  Institute for the study of Jewish communities in the East, 6001, where a hole is cut into albeit hinting at a rather recent age, is neat and careful. The text is arranged in three columns, which is relatively rare for Betä Ǝsraʾel manuscripts. All in all, it amounts to a perfect example of a de luxe Betä Ǝsraʾel manuscript. 87 The main text of the codex is the Orit, which comprises the five Books of Moses as well as Joshua,Judges,and Ruth. 88 Together with the genealogies, it comprises a total of six additional texts, all written by members of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. 89 One of them is a protective prayer for a woman called Männa. The longest of the additiones is the Nägärä Muse, extending over fols 1ra-3r and written by Abba Wärqe himself. 90 These types of Orit manuscript fulfilled important functions, alongside their primary religious use. Leslau noted that Orit manuscripts were used for the swearing of oaths. 91 Also, similar to the Golden Gospels of the Ethiopian Christian tradition, at least the manuscript under study served as an archive for the safeguarding of important notes, in this case the genealogies, of the monastery.

Text and Translation of the Genealogies
Genealogies are often used as markers of privilege, linking to a famous ancestor, to claim land rights, or to mark affiliation to a certain (spiritual) group. Christian Ethiopian monastic genealogies often hark back to the Nine Saints or Egyptian Desert Fathers to underline their spiritual privilege. 92 The present genealogies might do the same; however, due to the lack of knowledge of Betä Ǝsraʾel historical and monastic figures, it cannot be identified-save, obviously, for the connection to Hoḫ w ärwa.
Below, the text of the genealogies has been given together with an English translation. The texts themselves contain several interesting features. They have been written in a mix of formulaic Gǝʿǝz passages and more freely phrased parts in Amharic. 93 Some parts indicate the local dialect of Wägära and Gondär. The language of the texts is not easy to understand and some parts remain unclear. In general, there are some mistakes in the orthography and varying spellings of the same words. The second genealogy has been interrupted several times by empty or skipped lines, the reason for kings by the name of Iyoʾas, the first r.1755-1769, the second r.1818-1821; given the other evidence it was most likely Iyoʾas I. Faitlovitch manuscript no.8, fol. 14v and MS BnF Éthiopien d'Abbadie 232, fol. 8vb both have 'Ananya' as the scribe, which can be however coincidental. For the latest study compare Zuurmond 2004. 91 Leslau 1951, xxviii. 92 Taddesse Tamrat 1972. The genealogy of the famous Täklä Haymanot, published by Getatchew Haile, is a good example for this, claiming descent from the Egyptian monks Anthony, Macarius, and Pachomius, and from Zämikaʾel Arägawi of the Nine Saints (Getatchew Haile 1982Haile -1983. 93 The formulaic passages follow structures that are very common in genealogies, especially in monastic genealogies of the Ethiopian Christian tradition: 'sequences of names "enchained" to each other in a characteristic syntactic pattern: personal name (of the "spiritual father")-wälädo lä ( Bǝtärfǝlǝñ gave birth to Abba Iyob (two empty lines). During (the reign) of Aṣe Yoḥannǝs Abba Iyob celebrated the täzkär of his teacher Abba Wärqe three times. Two times (in) Wälqayt, but the third (in) Ǧani Fäqära Ḥok w arwa, from each monastery. The two heads that were there are named Abba Gošu (and) Abba Kidanu. But they slaughtered three cattle/bulls in Hoḫ w ärwa. They gave gǝmǧa that was bought for 3.5 bǝrr to the monastery. 105 They repeated the Dawit.' 106

Conclusion
In this article, MS JER NLI Or. 87 has been analysed in a broad context. The manuscript contains several significant features that mark its special status. Unlike two other manuscripts of great importance to Betä Ǝsraʾel studies, MS BnF Éthiopien d'Abbadie 107, and the source of the Religious Dispute published by Leslau in 1947, which were both commissioned by foreigners, MS JER NLI Or. 87 originated out of the interest of the Betä Ǝsraʾel group. It was bought by Abba Wärqe, head of the most important monastery of Hoḫ w ärwa. The manuscript attests not only to Wärqe's learning, but also to the general literacy of the Betä Ǝsraʾel. In the light of this evidence, the notion that the group was completely illiterate should surely be abandoned. The manuscript itself is a crucial witness to the Betä Ǝsraʾel manuscript tradition. With the erased cross on its covers and the note in secret script, it attests to some unique codicological and scribal features. The impressive codex has been held in high esteem for the last 130 years at least and is probably the most important manuscript known by the community at this time.
The monastic genealogies contained in this manuscript are the second historical document of the Betä Ǝsraʾel to predate the twentieth century, the other being the Religious Dispute published by Leslau. While the latter is a more elaborate note, it became so only due to the exposure of the Betä Ǝsraʾel to Protestant missionary activities, which proved to be one of the weakening factors in Betä Ǝsraʾel history. The genealogies of the first document, on the other hand, were a result of their protagonists' motivations and interest.
Due to these texts, information can be gathered on the individuals, the monastic network and tradition, as well as the mourning practices for one of the monastic leaders. The language also makes cautious inference to the origin of the protagonists in the Gondär-Wägära area. By comparing this genealogy with monastic genealogies preserved in the Betä Ǝsraʾel oral tradition, it is possible to shed further light on the individuals and on events mentioned in this oral tradition.
A new look at and a first-time collation of the cartographic evidence and travel itineraries, supported by the information of the genealogy, have allowed the precise localization of Hoḫ w ärwa on the map. The information gathered further reveals that Hoḫ w ärwa is not a single location, but an agglomeration of holy sites in a larger area. Future travels will hopefully allow for field research to visit the region.
The manuscript under study also invites to elaborate on several other aspects of Betä Ǝsraʾel history. While reinvestigating the manuscript containing the Religious Dispute, a second text of equal historical importance was brought to light, that awaits further study. A rather obscure element of Betä Ǝsraʾel monastic tradition, the probable castration of monks, was discussed in the light of the existing sources for the first time, shedding light onto a miracle story connected to Abba Barok Adhǝnän.
The discovery of the genealogies leaves us with further directives for our research. The codex demonstrates the importance of surveying Betä Ǝsraʾel manuscripts for marginal notes and additional texts, to uncover more on the Betä Ǝsraʾel's past. The work of locating the remains of the Betä Ǝsraʾel monastic centres often recalls that of a treasure hunt: with almost no tangible traces, no written documents leading one to the sites. It has been entirely dependent on oral information, mostly recorded decades after the Betä Ǝsraʾel have left Ethiopia. The monastic genealogies of the monks Abba Wärqe, Abba Iyob, and Abba Iyasu of Hoḫ w ärwa monastery are therefore an unparalleled discovery, adding new information about this legendary place, which our team will hopefully be able to document in the future.